Saskia Sassen “Whose City Is It? Globalization and the Formation of New Claims”

The way in which cities are ‘claimed” has shifted over the years as a result of globalization. As the globalized world becomes smaller, cities become multicultural as the globalization process opens cities up to new and varied groups. With major advancements in telecommunications and technology and a shift to services, cities have globalized and have become the major service centers for international finance, investment and headquarters. Sassan argues that  global cities have become strategic production sites for the major economic sectors from all nations. As cities become transnational, so too do the inhabitants. An influx in Immigration to globalized cities has created a densely populated, multicultural city center.

The city dynamics, including the way in which people are linked to space and how they occupy it, has changed. As cities globalize, so do the links and interactions with the larger community; the global community. Time and distance to communicate is shrinking. Also diminishing is the notion of singular national identities in favor of a transnational community identify. Transnational communities are connecting a vast majority of the world to one another.   

As the economy becomes globalized, Sassen argues that place no longer matters but instead what matters is the worker transmitting information globally and the infrastructure required to do become a global entity. A new form of agglomeration is born out of the geographic dispersal facilitated by telecommunication advancements. The increase in transnational servicing networks has brought lesser developed cities such as Buenos Aires, Taipei and Mexico City, into the global economic class with Tokyo, London, New York, Paris and  Hong Kong. These newer global cities become disconnected from their home regions and instead develop relations with other members of the growing transnational economy, resulting in a demographic shift toward more women, specifically African Americans and immigrants, joining the transnational urban workforce.

As the growing transnational economy raises the profile of these less developed countries it has also lowered the profile of former major metropolitan business sectors and well developed countries. Increased immigration as result of globalization has created multicultural cities. The dominant culture, represented by the corporate power elite, still identifies these differences in ethnicity as  “otherness”. The members of the growing international professional class, the “others”, are marginalized as low wage, manual and service workers. These areas then become areas of marginality with inited resources where low skilled workers, earn low income. The devalorization of the marginalized group and the overvalorization of cooperate powerful perpetuate class differences and further disenfranchise large segments of society, creating conflict who in turn practice urban political violence to have their voices heard.

Less control by the government of these globalize our cities has brought into question the capacity of both public and private sector to maintain these processes including location, resources and telecommunication infrastructure. This raises the notion of the declining significant of the state as we see an increase in the significance of transnational politics. The financial, investment and service sectors are claiming cities and the way in which they are utilized as well as the way in which they progress or decline. The new city landscape is becoming an international business sector where the “others” struggle to reap the benefits (if any) from the globalized economy. What will a transnational world look like? Will one day every nation be a “melting pot” managed by the business sector? Will corporate politics overtly run the state political systems?

Paul Stoller and Jasmin Tahmaseb McConatha “City Life: West African Communities in New York”

Globalize cities have created an intermingling of cultures from the home city as well as the host city, forming a transnational community. Unlike the ethnic enclaves of the past, transnational communities are an amalgamation of multiple cultures. These communities begin to form around nationalities, religion, and general kinship which help immigrants, who often feel alienated and lonely, adjust to their new homeland. Being in a new country and not having the support of family can have psychological ramifications for the isolated immigrants. The West African immigrant men in New York City were no different. In researching this group, Stoller and McConatha found that these men experience higher levels of distrust, feelings of anxiety and lack of spousal companionship. To counteract these negative effects, regardless of the living conditions in which these immigrants had to live,  some chose to stay in deplorable conditions because of the fellowship that was present.

The West African network ties in New York City are very strong, from landlords that will work with tenants who may not be financially stable to the taxi drivers that will shuttle newly arrived immigrants to higher quality SROs. The Islamic network ties are also a strong mechanism for support in that its practice centers on fellowship and cooperative economics, providing them with a sense of identity and through its discipline and values, has made them strong and able to cope with the loneliness and social isolation they experience.

Stoller and McConatha found that the West African communities in New York developed formal associations around various African nationalities which support West African immigrants economically and socially. Although the class differences established in their home countries have also infiltrated the communities in their host country,  for the most part the West African immigrants find support and comfort from the transnational communities in which they have settled. The researchers found evidence that some West African immigrants were more successful than others. They attribute these differences to competencies, including language competency as well as cultural competency, among the immigrants and those with higher competencies in these areas proved more successful in business as well as in personal matters. 

Sy Adler & Johanna Brenner “Gender and Space: Lesbians and Gay Men in the City”

Spatial utility differs among various identity groups, and it is no different for gay men and lesbians. Prior research done by Manuel Castells argues that while gay men prefer to share a physical location where business and lives can be conducted in an attempt to find a place among other gay men wear their lifestyle will be acceptable, lesbians, on the other hand, are not concerned with a territory but rather they are “placeless”. He states that lesbians rely on interpersonal networks rather than physical location. But Castells as well as Deborah Wolf also

adler gayAdler and Brenner attempted to replicate Castells research. Using five different sources to locate areas of concentrated lesbians, key informants from the lesbian community, location of lesbian bars and other social gathering places, location of lesbian businesses, and mailing lists of lesbian organizations, they confirmed differences in the way in which gay men and lesbians utilize space. Adler and Brenner found that areas of concentrated lesbians had lower levels of homeownership, lower rent prices, and less traditional family households. This is plausible given that females have lower incomes and therefore are limited to low rent areas, and as purported by Markusen and Gilbert, women with low incomes lack transportation and therefore tend to spatially root themselves close to their networks, and in areas which are beneficial to their children, defining their own spatial areas in this manner. They also found higher concentrations of lesbians in countercultural, or nontraditional, areas. In these areas, there was also a large number of female headed households and women living alone. The researchers found it hard to differentiate whether women chose to live there alone because of the high proportion of women in the area and making this area a “women’s community”, regardless if they’re lesbians or just heterosexual single woman.

adler femalesAdler and Brenner conclude that there are spatial concentrations of lesbians but it is considered hidden as compared to areas with gay males, where there are concentrated areas of openly gay businesses and services run by gay people, for gay people. The lack of lesbian owned business could be attributed to the general lack of capital among females for business startups. There is also a lack of collective organization and community activism within the areas of concentrated lesbians that would heighten awareness of such communities. Differences in political activism and the way the community organizes also varies, most likely because of gender. Whereas gay males organize around homosexuality, lesbians organize on two axes, gender and homosexuality, leading females to be more global in their views than males. Lesbians focus not only on rights for gays and lesbians but also for rights of women, a”double vision” if you will.

It is very interesting to understand patterns of settlement among and between groups. In the three readings this week, I find the theme to be that women are forced to spatially organize themselves and their families in areas because of the negative consequences stemming from dysfunctional social and economical structures that preclude women, especially poor, African American single mothers, from living in an environment of their choosing. We can’t argue this enough, policy changes in the gender wage gap, and a cultural shift to accept females and males as equal in the workplace and in the household, would begin to provide more freedom in mobility for women and their children.

Capture

 

The video ‘Gayborhoods’ Have A Profound Sociological And Economic Effect On Urban Areas provides a few perspectives on the way in which urban spaces are organized.

 

Melissa Gilbert “Race, Space, and Power: The Survival Strategies of Working Poor Women”

Echoing the discussion of Markusen, Gilbert provides theory on why poor, urban women are cut off from better paying jobs and remain in the inner city. It is argued that these women are spatially trapped in the inner city, cut off from better jobs typically found in the suburbs. Gilbert however doesn’t blame this spatial entrapment all on social structures, she believes that the intersectionality of race, class and gender interact to prevent mobility to suburbs for homes and jobs. Gilbert doesn’t consider them trapped per se, rather they become rooted in the inner city neighborhood because that is the location of their social ties and networks, which serve as resources and strategies to survive.

gilbert 1Space and power interact to influence mobility of women, especially African American women.  People are spatially bound by two areas, work and home, because of resources and network ties, but there are degrees to the boundedness leading to levels of mobility or immobility. Being mobile gives one a certain power from being able to freely move through spaces on one’s own volition. As opposed to immobility which provides no power. Personal networks provide women with resources such as childcare, transportation, friendship, and family, so they become rooted in areas where these networks are primarily located. However, being rooted in the areas where networks are located can also prevent women from accessing other resources such as jobs, information about jobs, and housing because of the limited strength of these ties. Social networks vary between men and women and even between race and ethnicity. Women’s networks are usually centered around family and community whereas male networks are centered on work ties. In family and church networks are very important to African-Americans. These networks and spatial locations have significant consequences for economic resources and survival strategies for women.

There is an idea that with welfare supplementation, poor women with children can become self-sufficient, find employment, and get off of welfare. This assumption does not take into consideration that women, more so than men, are in low-paying jobs with little to no advancement opportunities and a encounter a substantial gender wage gap. These labor market inequalities are maintained through space and place; women are relegated to certain jobs in certain locations because of factors related to being the primary care provider, including needing to work close to home and daycare, and lack economic resources that would allow them to, a) either move closer to better paying jobs or, b) acquire transportation to commute to those jobs. All of these factors work to prevent women from fully supporting their families on their own.

Gilbert’s research found that African-American women were more spatially trapped than whites.  Gilbert points to several factors for this including residential segregation race of networks these both make them require them to make decisions based on their limited residential locations. Contradictory to their prior notion, African American women traveled 11.29 minutes to work compared to 17.8 minutes for whites. They posit that because mothers also have to make a trip to childcare they require jobs with less commute times so that their overall commuting time is feasible. They found  that adding a trip to childcare locations increased commuting time by 18.2 minutes on average with white women spending more time in total commuting time than African American women which adds to their hypothesis that African American women are more spatially trapped than whites. Many women decide on location of employment, childcare and housing based on other factors including needing help with childcare, hours required to work at their job and what type of job they do. Some women choose their jobs based on hours that allow them to be at home when their children are out of school. Child care influences a lot of their decisions including type of job and hours required. Fifty-eight percent said they did not get their desired job because of childcare responsibilities and 30% said they can go back to school because of a lack of childcare.

Spatial boundaries affect survival strategies because of their space networks can be constraining. Personal networks were very helpful for women to find employment housing and childcare but also can prevent them from finding good quality employment housing and childcare. Different strategies to find employment childcare and housing were employed by African-Americans and white’s. African Americans rely more heavily on kinship ties to find resources while white women relied on a variety of strategies including yellow pages and newspapers. These networks help to spatially bind women to their locations limiting their power of mobility.

Ann Markusen “City Spatial Structure, Women’s Household Work, and National Urban Policy”

Two forms of labor, wage labor production and household reproduction of labor power are very similar but each greatly impact the spatial organization as well as the organization of division of labor for those filling these roles. Markusen argues that household reproduction of labor, the work that’s done within the home, greatly influences residency and work location decisions for families and mothers. She argues that gender, specifically the power held by men in a patriarchal society, helps to shape and order urban and suburban environments, as opposed to the environment shaping gender relations. Markusen states that patriarchy has “profoundly shaped American urban spatial structure” and “promotes the single-family suburban housing”.

Illustrative image of professional woman feeding her baby while using laptop

Wage labor production is formally recognized in a capitalistic society. This type of labor is done by workers that are hired by businesses to produce something that can be sold for profit. The employees earn a wage and the employers earn a profit. This type of work influences how the environment space is used including transportation for employees, available workforce, and available space for production. Social reproduction of labor involves activities within households that produce “both current and future generations of labor power”. I think I’m understanding this to mean that the household unit is basically expected to produce future workers. If so, then women become the primary producer of all wage labor workers, not just a “passive consumption unit”. I would go so far as to say the sole producer, a monopoly in the market so to speak. However,  these employees do not earn a wage and these self employed producers do not earn a profit.

The informal marriage contract hides the efforts put forth in the household reproduction of labor power and therefore prevents it from being considered a production job. I appreciated the comparison the author made between women in the household purchasing groceries and preparing a meal and the employee in the foodservice sector doing the same thing but getting paid a salary as well as the employer getting a return on their investment. Also, I had never thought about how washing machines dishwashers and other electronics make household work more efficient. This increased efficiency with machines is no different than implementing more efficient techniques in the private manufacturing sector.

markusen 3Women who work in the home contribute to the maintenance of society by providing for their family and maintaining a household etc. However, being that is not a formal job, no formal pay or formal recognition is received. This relationship is unjust in that the household reproduction of the workforce has greater impacts for females than for males as it primarily women who take care of the household and children, and many of them have formal jobs outside of the home as well. This spatial division of urban and suburban areas corresponds with the division of labor within the two areas. The division of labor within the household is not equal, women typically do more of the household and child rearing work than men. The only one well served by this arrangement are males.

In addition to receiving no recognition for the informal labor that occurs in the household, households are also excluded from considerations in the urban environment through the separation of the work sphere and the home sphere. Urban space is organized around the wage labor worker who are predominantly males while the suburban space is organized around household reproducers who are predominantly females. The impact that the work sphere has on the homes here and vice versa goes unrecognizable for the most part as patriarchs are not negatively affected by the arrangement. The spatial disparities between locations of jobs outside the home and locations of houses create problems for mostly mothers as they have to work in both places every day which is inefficient.

Women may choose to move to the suburbs for the safer, cleaner environments, access to quality schools, shops and services, but they are forced to compromise and choose household reproduction of labor over wage labor production. Because of the spatial separation of the two places, access to local jobs is diminished and labor time is wasted in commuting. While limited accessibility to jobs is argued to be the major reason why women stay in the household, other factors such as low wages for women and no advancement opportunities deters females from entering the wage labor force. All of these factors reinforce the power and security males hold in the workforce, it also reinforces their role as breadwinners and controllers of the household, perpetuating the patriarchal society.

Markusen and other theorists argue the that the urban spaces are being reshaped by namely three significant demographic changes in the US; 1) gentrification; 2)  retired persons moving to non-urban settings;  and 3) the fast growing small town non-urban areas. Although these trends are inflicting changes in the spatial design of urban areas the patriarchal structuring of households in the urban space appears to be permanent. Social structures that prevent women from joining and progressing in the wage labor market, including unequal pay, accessibility to work locations, limited advancement opportunities, need to be addressed. Additionally the notion that women are primary caregivers and primary household maintainers should be revisited.

Positive and Negative Relationships

When analyzing relationships between two variables, we can tell from the values whether a positive relationship is found or whether the variables are negatively related. A positive relationship, indicates that the values change in the same direction; high values on one variable are associated with high values , and conversely, low values on one are associated with low values on the other. An example of this relationship would be the relationship between years of education and the salary. Another would be level of educational attainment and income.  A negative relationship implies that the values change in the opposite direction; high values on one variable are associated with low values on the other. An example of this would be high unemployment rates in a community and low levels of social control within that community. Direction cannot be assigned when both variables in a table are dichotomous because directionality of the relationship can only be assigned to ordinal or interval-ratio, dichotomous variables are nominal.

This internet resource  is pretty straightforward in describing possible relationships between variables. The graphics and videos add to my understanding by providing a visual depiction of the directionality of relationships rather than just reviewing the numbers in a table as in the book. One can clearly see how the variable values either go up or down together or are inversely related.

 

 

 

James Duncan “Men Without Property: The Tramp’s Classification and Use of Urban Space”

I was quite intrigued by the way James Duncan described the process that goes into how tramps (homeless vagrants) secure their own spaces within cities. He says areas of cities belong to  different groups, termed host groups, and these host groups control the moral order. The dominant group here makes the rules on how people are required to act within their particular area. For example, in the central business district, the host group is made up of employees and proprietors of the businesses and residences. Here visitors must match the business type appearances and actions of the host group. In residential areas in which the host group consists of homeowners and property owners, one is expected to be law abiding and upkeep their properties and act in accordance with neighbors actions.

Duncan says that tramps pose a problem for society different than that of the poor because they simply do not have any ties or obligations to any one community. Duncan posits that tramps do not really share in the moral order of a particular area because they do not have ties to the community; they do not have relationships with other community members, own property or work. Tramps only own their labor power. However, their labor power is not worth a lot as they are usually unskilled and cannot hold a job.

tramp sign

The actions and order of these tramps are controlled formally through laws and police enforcement and through less formal, indirect attempts made by architects and city planners. Vagrancy laws were introduced in the 14 century to impose moral order on jobless, homeless vagrants in an attempt to keep them out of the business districts where their panhandling and public disorder offended residents and visitors. Through vagrancy laws, tramps could be rounded up and removed from the public eye and taken to jail or to less noticeable areas of the city such as skid row. Skid row is an acceptable place to relocate vagrants as it is an area typically walled off from public sight with structural barriers to prevent ready access to the public spaces of various host groups. Similar to Wilson’s theory in his book, More Than Just Race, public housing projects serve to contain poor, black residents, skid row really serves a collection place for the homeless and jobless population.

skid row 2

Although it is not an optimal living situation, homeless vagrants occupy spaces on skid row as if they were their own homes. City officials sometimes leave these areas alone as long as they stay out of sight and do not cause trouble. I had often wondered why skid row was allowed to persist. I first realized the function behind these areas while researching Memphis and how the city was revitalizing downtown into a sports complex and they were coming up with strategies to get rid of the homeless vagrants and criminals so that they did not detract from the downtown area and scare away the visitors and their money. When the City wants to “clean up” public space they recognize the “no go zones” and they ensure the homeless are sequestered there rather than in prime space locations.

Tramps soon learn the difference between “prime space” and “marginal space” within the city limits. Prime spaces, the more desirable locations, do not allow allow tramps to stay there long before they are relocated. Therefore, tramps need to find the marginal, or less than desirable places where they can go and not be harassed. Marginal spaces include alleys, dumps, spaces under bridges, and areas in the manufacturing district. Pretty much any place that the more affluent host group will not go. Quite a bit of thought and ingenuity goes into surviving on the street. To avoid arrest and still acquire necessities to sustain them, homeless vagrants have to develop alternative methods for surviving, including adopting a low profile so as not to be seen and just skate under the radar. Keeping a low-profile is sometimes hard because most people of this nature do not wear clean clothes or shower frequently and therefore can be quickly identified as vagrant by their appearance. However, if they appear to be homeless, they are more effective at panhandling. Rather than having clean clothes and clean shave them they instead hide in the landscape and find places where they can sleep without being disturbed. One of the people quoted said he would hide half of his body in a trashcan and the other half in the cardboard box and remained out of sight from cops and muggers. Another very ingenious tactic to secure your space so that others can’t take it one man had only two possessions in his doorway living quarters, a broom and broken glass. When he would leave, he would spread the broken glass down on the ground where he slept as to reserve his spot, and when he returned he used the broom to to sweep it up.

The ingenious ways that folks learn to survive is a testament to how humans adapt to our social and economic situations, no matter how detrimental. In reflecting on this reading, i can see similarities to the residents of the Robert Taylor Homes in Venkatesh’s’ account, tramps also developed unorthodox responses to economic and social barriers in order to survive.

 

 

 

James Elliott and Jeremy Pais “Race, class, and Hurricane Katrina: Social differences in human responses to disaster”

James Elliott and Jeremy Pais look at the effects of Hurricane Katrina and whether the effects were different between race and class groups. Building off of research following Hurricane Andrew, their main goal was to investigate the human response to this disaster as it relates to race and class differences. Elliott and Pais found that residents of  “the Gulf South region” differed on how they responded to Hurricane Katrina and responses seem to be influenced by race and class stratification, rather than only one. The long standing sociological debate, is it race or class that influences social inequalities. I think I could argue the side that class trumps race. It is logical to presume that if people are financially more secure they can handle disaster such as Hurricane Andrew and Hurricane Katrina more so than the lower class with limited funds.

katrina-evacuees

Race classification is an important factor primarily because blacks are most vulnerable, usually the lowest class, therefore with limited economic resources to evacuate. Not to discount racism, as it does play factor but class is purported by these authors to have played a bigger part in the demise of New Orleanians. Although poor white people were also adversely affected by Hurricane Katrina, Elliott and Pais stated that their situation was less obvious because of difficulty accessing other devastated areas, such as St. Bernard Parrish, as well as a no fly zone above. This gave the appearance that white people did not suffer as a result.  Elliott and Pais note that class and race are both very important defining how people react in certain situations but in times of crisis racial differences expand while class differences diminish.

katrina 1

Using data from a post-storm Gallup poll and 2000 census data, Elliot and Pais found that income and race together were factors in determining whether residents evacuated or not and how quickly they recovered following yhe storm. Although many residents evacuated prior to Hurricane Katrina, black people were more than 2.5 times more likely to evacuate after the storm, rather than before.They also found that those residents with a family income of $40,000-$50,000 were almost twice as likely to evacuate New Orleans before the storm and three times as likely to evacuate at all, than those with incomes of $10,000-$20,000; however the people in the lower income bracket were more likely to leave after the storm. The researchers found that low-income blacks were most likely to stay in the city for the duration. Although media outlets reported several reasons why residents stayed (including comically enough, access to government checks), in reviewing data from the post-storm Gallup poll, Elliott and Pais found that many residents (49%) reported the reason for not evacuating early was because they didn’t think the storm would be that bad while 21% said they couldn’t evacuate because they had no transportation. This suggests that income levels predict which residents were able to leave prior to or during the storm.

I was surprised to read that Elliott and Pais stated those New Orleanians who really need assistance in rebuilding were less affluent homeowners. Even in homeownership groups, those with lower incomes were not able to recover as quickly. More affluent homeowners were able to relocate and rebuild while the other group was not able to easily detach from their home mortgages. I do not think focusing on this group is meant to diminish the plight of the people who lost their jobs (the majority of whom were black residents) and who still are living elsewhere in temporary housing.  I understand their statement to mean that these folks are the anchors in the devastated communities and in order for the community to rebuild, they need to get these folks back in town regenerate it. I think in terms of rebuilding and generating economic growth, resources that homeowners bring to their community are needed to start the rebuild.

Michelle Alexander “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness”

For generations, black people were not allowed to vote in the United States. Various tactics were used to prevent them from doing so such as laws that prevented slaves from voting, retaliatory attacks by white racist groups, a requirement to pay poll taxes and pass a literacy test. Although these tactics are not common practice today, voting rights are stripped disproportionately from black americans as a consequence of the law that revokes voting rights from convicted felons. The majority of these felons are in fact black males. Their right to vote is denied upon release, a denial similar to those of their ancestors that were denied the right to vote by other various tactics. Mass incarceration of black males are the Jim Crow laws of the 21st Century.

The new Jim Crow laws are not overtly racist, however they are ostensibly racist for the mere fact that African Americans are arrested at far higher rates for the same crimes that their white counterparts commit who actually escape arrest. Since the enactment of the war on drugs in America in the 1980s, and the three strike law and enacted in California in 1990s, the prison system seems to have taken on the role that the fields once occupied in the era of slavery, the role of containing the black race. This form of social control while not blatantly racist, perpetuates a well disguised form of racial discrimination. The US, more than any other nation in history, has developed a large penal system for the primary method of social control. Alexander reported that in the 1970s many expert criminologists expected the prison system to shrink in size and eventually disappear because they were not that effective in deterring crime and in fact helped to create crime.

pew

The war on drugs began in response to the crack epidemic that began in 1980s and was purported to be an epidemic in the black community. The stereotypical crack addict was portrayed as poor black people living in the seedy urban districts. The focus on black people during this crack epidemic made people believe that the government had a conspiratorial agenda to eliminate the black race. I was  astounded to read that the number of imprisoned people rose from 300,000 to over 2 million in less than 30 years. Many of these related to drug offenses. The US now has the highest incarceration rate in the world and the highest rate of imprisoned ethnic minorities. Additional incarceration statistics can be found in the NAACP CRIMINAL JUSTICE FACT SHEET.

Being released from prison is not the end of the journey for these ex-cons because the stigma associated with being an ex convict follows released prisoners the rest of their lives, hindering them from freedoms that most Americans have access to including jobs, the right to vote, and public benefits. This racial caste system that Alexander postis is prevalent in today’s US society, a byproduct as a result of mass incarceration, continues to relegate black prisoners to the lower rungs of society as the Jim Crow laws once did.

 

Confidence Intervals

An increase in sample size is linked with an increase in precision of the confidence interval; the larger the sample size the more precise the interval becomes. As the confidence level goes down (e.g., from 99% to 95%) the confidence interval becomes more precise, or narrower in width. For a large sample size like the 2012 Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS) (n= 1,500), it is acceptable to use a 95% confidence level. For smaller sample sizes, as in the case with a mean score on a class exam, it makes sense to use a 99% or 99.9% confidence level.

The image below is an example of a distribution. You should interpret from the image that the researcher can be 95% confident that the specified interval contains the true population mean.

norm2

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Discuss and give examples of the types of situations in which an analyst would want to use a 95% confidence interval for estimation. Do the same for 99% and 99.9% confidence intervals. Locate and describe at least one internet resource that explains and illustrates the concepts of confidence levels and/or confidence intervals. What do you think it adds to the description in your textbook?